Donnerstag, 31. August 2017

Diakonie-Präsident: Aktiv um langzeitarbeitslose Nichtwähler bemühen - Infoportal - Diakonie Deutschland

Diakonie-Präsident: Aktiv um langzeitarbeitslose Nichtwähler bemühen - Infoportal - Diakonie Deutschland


Gabriel für Abzug der US-Atomwaffen

Gabriel für Abzug der US-Atomwaffen

Frag selbst! Christian Lindner, FDP beantworte am 30. 8. 2017 Fragen im...

Gabriel in Washington Treffen mit Rex Tillerson und Henry Kissinger

Auswärtiges Amt - USA - Enger Draht nach Washington – Außenminister Gabriel in den USA

Auswärtiges Amt - USA - Enger Draht nach Washington – Außenminister Gabriel in den USA



Enger Draht nach Washington – Außenminister Gabriel in den USA

Zum dritten Mal in seiner Amtszeit war Außenminister Sigmar Gabriel am Dienstag (29.08.) zu Gesprächen in den USA. Mit seinem Amtskollegen Rex Tillerson beriet er über die brennenden Themen und Krisen der internationalen Politik. Wichtiges Thema: die angespannte Situation auf der koreanischen Halbinsel. Mit Henry Kissinger sprach Gabriel über die Gefahren der nuklearen Aufrüstung.

Stunde der Diplomatie

Das Atomprogramm Nordkoreas, die Lage in Afghanistan, die Krise in Katar, das Nuklearabkommen mit Iran und die US-Sanktionen gegen Russland: Außenminister Sigmar Gabriel und sein amerikanischer Kollege Rex Tillerson haben sich kurzfristig entschieden, zu diesen wichtigen Themen zusammenzutreffen. „Jetzt muss die Stunde der Diplomatie sein“, sagte Außenminister Gabriel vor seiner Abreise nach Washington D.C. mit Blick auf die Agenda.

„Amerika ist der wichtigste Verbündete Europas“

"Dafür brauchen wir einen engen Draht nach Washington“, setzte Gabriel fort. Denn: „Auch wenn wir in letzter Zeit nicht immer auf einer Wellenlänge liegen: Amerika ist der wichtigste Verbündete Europas.“ Gerade in dieser schwierigen Zeit sei es wichtig, den Dialog zu suchen, betonte Gabriel. Bereits zum dritten Mal trifft Gabriel seinen Amtskollegen in Washington. Am Rande des G20-Außenministertreffens in Bonn und des G20-Gipfels in Hamburg fanden weitere Gespräche statt.

Nordkorea im Fokus

Im Mittelpunkt des Treffens der Außenminister stand die angespannte Situation in Nordkorea. Nordkorea habe noch immer nicht verstanden, dass sich die internationale Staatengemeinschaft einig sei: die Raketentests und das Nuklearprogramm müssen aufhören, betonte Gabriel. Deswegen sei es auch richtig, dass der Sicherheitsrat der Vereinten Nationen erneut zu diesem Thema zusammentritt.
Langes und intensives Gespräch: Sigmar Gabriel und Rex Tillerson
Langes und intensives Gespräch: Sigmar Gabriel und Rex Tillerson
© Kjer/photothek.net
Bild vergrößern
Auch das Atomabkommen mit Iran stand auf der Agenda. Deutschland habe ein großes Interesse daran, das Abkommen aufrechtzuerhalten, so Gabriel. Dazu müsse die iranische Seite dafür sorgen, dass jedes Detail des Abkommens umgesetzt wird. Gemeinsam mit den USA solle dieses Ziel nun verfolgt werden.
Eine enge Abstimmung zwischen den USA und den europäischen Partnern soll auch in anderen Bereichen stattfinden: mit Blick auf die Sanktionen des US-Kongresses gegen Russland. "Es soll keine neue Eiszeit zwischen Russland und dem Westen geben", so Gabriel. Gleichzeitig müsse man sich weiter dafür einsetzen, dass endlich ein nachhaltiger Waffenstillstand im Osten der Ukraine zustande kommt.

Treffen mit Henry Kissinger: Global Zero Initiative unterstützen

Nach dem Termin mit Tillerson traf Gabriel auch mit dem ehemaligen Außenminister Henry Kissinger zusammen. "Es ist gut, mit jemandem zu sprechen, der schon sehr lange einen Blick auf die Welt hat", sagte Gabriel. Im Mittelpunkt des Gesprächs stand die Gefahr der nuklearen Aufrüstung. Immer mehr Staaten verschafften sich Zugang zu Atomwaffen, so Gabriel. Das Beispiel Nordkoreas zeige, wie gefährlich diese Situation für die gesamte Welt ist.
Mit der Global Zero Initiative engagiert sich Kissinger seit Jahren für eine atomwaffenfreie Welt. "Diese Initiative sollten wir alle unterstützen", betonte Gabriel. Es müsse mehr dafür getan werden, dass die Verbreitung von Atomwaffen gestoppt werde, denn: "die Gefahren, die Kissinger beschreibt, sind leider mehr als realistisch", so Gabriel.

Weiterreise nach Paris

Aus Washington ging es für Gabriel weiter nach Paris: dort nahm er an einer Sitzung des französischen Kabinetts teil und begleitete die Eröffnung der französischen Botschafterkonferenz.

Zum Weiterlesen:



Stand 29.08.2017

Join the Movement | Global Zero

Join the Movement | Global Zero

Staatsakt für Helmut Schmidt Rede von Henry Kissinger am 23 11 2015 in...

Staatsakt für Helmut Schmidt: Henry Kissinger hält Rede am 23.11.2015

Jobs und mehr in Deutschland und der Welt: Deutsche Bundesregierung lässt im August 2017 wied...

Jobs und mehr in Deutschland und der Welt: Deutsche Bundesregierung lässt im August 2017 wied...: Deutsche Bundesregierung lässt im August 2017 wieder fast eine Million HartzIV - Empfänger aus der Statistik schummeln. Deutsche Bun...


Remarks by President Obama, U.K. Prime Minister Cameron, European Commission President Barroso, and European Council President Van Rompuy on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership | whitehouse.gov





The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release

Remarks by President Obama, U.K. Prime Minister Cameron, European Commission President Barroso, and European Council President Van Rompuy on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership

Lough Erne Resort
Lough Erne, Northern Ireland

3:23 P.M. BST
PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Well, good afternoon and welcome, everyone.  Welcome to Lough Erne.
 
I always said that the whole point of this meeting in Lough Erne is to fire up our economies and drive growth and prosperity around the world -- to do things that make a real difference to people’s lives.  And there is no more powerful way to achieve that than by boosting trade.  And there’s no better way than by launching these negotiations on a landmark deal between the European Union and the United States of America -- a deal that could add as much as a £100 billion to the EU economy, £80 billion to the U.S. economy, and as much as £85 billion to the rest of the world.
 
And we should be clear about what these numbers could really mean:  2 million extra jobs, more choice and lower prices in our shops.  We’re talking about what could be the biggest bilateral trade deal in history; a deal that will have a greater impact than all the other trade deals on the table put together. 
 
When we last met at Camp David in the G8 and we first suggested we could reach this moment here in Lough Erne, many doubted it would be possible.  Everyone knows these trade deals are difficult.  Some take years to get off the ground, and some never happen at all.  So it’s a testament to the leadership and the political will of everyone here that we’ve reached this point.  We must maintain that political will in the months ahead.  This is a once-in-a-generation prize and we are determined to seize it.
 
President Barroso -- Jose Manuel, over to you.
 
PRESIDENT BARROSO:  Thank you.  Thank you, David.
 
Today is a special day for the relation between European Union and the United States.  Today we announce we will start negotiations of a comprehensive Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement.  Very frankly, two years ago, very few would have bet that today we’d be in the position to launch negotiations of an ambitious European Union-United States free trade agreement.
 
And when the teams of the European Commission and United States will meet for the first round on the negotiations next month, it will be the start of a joint undertaking of real strategic importance.  Our joint endeavor is part of our overall agenda for growth and jobs to both sides of the Atlantic by boosting trade and investment.  It is also a powerful demonstration of our determination to shape a open rules-based role.
 
We intend to move forward fast.  We can say that neither of us will give up content for the sake of speed, but we intend to make rapid progress.  I’d rather see the core challenge, moving our regulatory regimes closer, and addressing the harmful effect of behind-the-border trade barriers.  Huge economic benefits are expected from reducing red tape, avoiding divergent regulations for the future. 
 
I’d rather have our companies invest in you, in overseas products and services and job creation, than in double-testing, or multiple inspections, or even separate manufacturing lines.  Our regulators need to build bridges faster and more systematically.  The current economic climate requires us to join forces and to do more with less.  More importantly, in doing so, we will remain strong global players who set the standards for the 21st century. 
 
Therefore, I call on our legislatures, European -- especially European Parliament, our regulators, our civil society to play a constructive and engaged part in these negotiations.
 
The business communities on both sides of the Atlantic, in particular, have been a strong advocate of free trade and investment between Europe and the United States.  And this is also good for the rest of the world.  Given the integrated supply chains in today’s global markets, everyone can benefit from this agreement. 
 
Integrating two of the most developed, most sophisticated, and certainly the largest economies in the world can never be an easy task, but we will find convincing answers to legitimate concerns.  We will find solutions to thorny issues.  We will keep our eyes on the prize, and we’ll succeed.  So even if these negotiations may not always be easy, I’m sure they will be worth it for the sake of the jobs it creates and because of the strategic dimension of what we are doing -- to write the next chapter of what is our common history also forged by the sense that we share the same principles and values, the principles and values of open economies and open societies.
 
PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Thank you very much, Jose Manuel.  President Obama -- Barack.
 
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you very much, David.  And good afternoon.  It is wonderful to be here in Lough Erne.  And thank you so much to the people of Northern Ireland for their warm hospitality.  And, Prime Minister Cameron, thank you for all the outstanding arrangements.
 
Among the things we’ll discuss here are promoting new growth and jobs on both sides of the Atlantic.  And I’m pleased to join these leaders to announce the launch of negotiations on a new trade agreement that will help us do just that -- the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, also known as T-TIP.
 
I want to thank not only the gentlemen on this stage, but also President Hollande, Chancellor Merkel, Prime Minister Letta, and Taoiseach  Kenny.  We just had an excellent meeting.  And I’m proud to say that America will have the opportunity to host the first round of negotiations next month in Washington.
 
As has already been mentioned, the U.S.-EU relationship is the largest in the world.  It makes up nearly half of global GDP.  We trade about $1 trillion in goods and services each year.  We invest nearly $4 trillion in each other’s economies.  And all that supports around 13 million jobs on both sides of the Atlantic. 
 
And this potentially groundbreaking partnership would deepen those ties.  It would increase exports, decrease barriers to trade and investment.  As part of broader growth strategies in both our economies, it would support hundreds of thousands of jobs on both sides of the ocean.
 
So I’m pleased to hear that this negotiation enjoys the support not only of the countries that are here today, but also the broader EU membership.  I can tell you that it has been warmly received in the United States as well, both in our Congress and in our business community.
 
And that broad support, on both sides of the Atlantic, will help us work through some of the tough issues that have already been mentioned.  There are going to be sensitivities on both sides.  There are going to be politics on both sides.  But if we can look beyond the narrow concerns to stay focused on the big picture -- the economic and strategic importance of this partnership -- I’m hopeful we can achieve the kind of high-standard, comprehensive agreement that the global trading system is looking to us to develop. 
 
America and Europe have done extraordinary things together before.  And I believe we can forge an economic alliance as strong as our diplomatic and security alliances -- which, of course, have been the most powerful in history.  And, by doing that, we can also strengthen the multilateral trading system.
 
So this Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is going to be a priority of mine and my administration.  It is important that we get it right -- and that means resisting the temptation to downsize our ambitions or avoid tough issues just for the sake of getting a deal.  And then make sure also -- it’s important that we also make sure that it’s part of an overall plan to do what it takes to promote growth and jobs.  Trade is critical but it is not alone a silver bullet; it has to be part of a comprehensive strategy that we pursue on both sides of the Atlantic.  That’s what our people deserve. 
 
I very much look forward to working with my fellow leaders to make it happen.  We’re going to give a strong mandate to our negotiators, but occasionally I suspect we’re going to have to intervene and break through some logjams.  Nevertheless, I’m confident that we can get it done.
 
So thank you very much.
 
PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Thank you, Barack.  And thank you very much for that.  Now, we’re going to hear from the President of the European Council, Herman Van Rompuy -- Herman.
 
PRESIDENT VAN ROMPUY:  Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen.  This is a special moment.  At the last EU-U.S. summit with President Obama, we jointly decided to see if launching such historic negotiations would be possible.  It was.  And now we can already start the talks.  A year and a half ago, we were not even sure the place had a door, and now we are entering the negotiating room together.  
 
It's a sign of the strong political will on both sides.  This February, in the European Council, our European heads of state and government reiterated their support for a comprehensive trade and investment deal with the United States.  A political signal formalized last Friday by ministers and the Irish presidency formally gave the EU negotiators the green light to start the talks.
 
It shows the political will to work together -- to work together with our long-standing and most trusted partner on the essential objective for governments on either side of the Atlantic -- growth, jobs, and prosperity.  We both know there are no magic solutions.  Recent economic turbulence underlines this.  But we cannot expect to harvest new jobs today; we can plant the seeds for the jobs of tomorrow.  And that’s exactly what the trade agreement is about.
 
Together, Europe and the United States are the backbone of the world economy.  Opening up that space further for opportunities for business and consumers is simply common sense.  Not just our own economies, but also those of our trading partners will benefit.  The positive ramifications will even go beyond the economy as such.
 
We are making our economies all over the world more interdependent, and this will make the world safer.  What is at stake with the transatlantic free trade area is to enshrine Europe and America's role as the world's standard-setters, beyond product specifications, by setting a positive forces and shaping the way we work and the way we live our daily lives.  This is of key strategic significance.
 
Ladies and gentlemen, the Atlantic is not the past; it is also the future.  And that’s why we are impatient to start, although we know that negotiations won't be a smooth ride.  Obviously, there are and will be sensitive issues on each side.  With flexibility, open-mindedness and some creativity, the greatest asset for negotiators and statesmen, I'm confident we will find solutions.  There is too much at stake. 
 
We will find these solutions not only because we know the great benefit it will bring, not only because we share the same rules-based approach at home and abroad in these matters, but also because trade is one vital part of our overall relationship.  It will link our transatlantic destinies even closer together. 
 
The longer the negotiations, therefore, stand for our continued common commitment to engage with each other in order to engage with the world.  The EU and its member states are ready to engage and look forward to the new trade landscape we will shape together.
 
Thank you.
 
PRIME MINISTER CAMERON:  Thank you very much, Herman.  We'll be now welcoming the other guests to the G8, and we'll be taking questions at the end of the G8 at the end of our discussions.
 
Thank you very much, indeed.
 
END  
3:35 P.M. BST

FACT SHEET: Nuclear Weapons Employment Strategy of the United States | whitehouse.gov

FACT SHEET: Nuclear Weapons Employment Strategy of the United States | whitehouse.gov



The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release

FACT SHEET: Nuclear Weapons Employment Strategy of the United States

Today, the President announced new guidance that aligns U.S. nuclear policies to the 21st century security environment.  This is the latest in a series of concrete steps the President has made to advance his Prague agenda and the long-term goal of achieving the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons. 
Following the release of the 2010 Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) and ratification of the New START Treaty, the President directed the Department of Defense (DOD), the Department of State, Department of Energy, and the intelligence community, to conduct a detailed analysis of U.S. nuclear deterrence requirements and policy in order to ensure U.S. nuclear posture and plans are aligned to address today’s security environment.  This review was based on the principle that a robust assessment of today’s security environment and resulting Presidential guidance must drive nuclear employment planning, force structure, and posture decisions. 
The President’s new guidance:
  • affirms that the United States will maintain a credible deterrent, capable of convincing any potential adversary that the adverse consequences of attacking the United States or our allies and partners far outweigh any potential benefit they may seek to gain through an attack.  
  • directs DOD to align U.S. defense guidance and military plans with the policies of the NPR, including that the United States will only consider the use of nuclear weapons in extreme circumstances to defend the vital interests of the United States or its allies and partners.  The guidance narrows U.S. nuclear strategy to focus on only those objectives and missions that are necessary for deterrence in the 21st century.  In so doing, the guidance takes further steps toward reducing the role of nuclear weapons in our security strategy. 
  • directs DOD to strengthen non-nuclear capabilities and reduce the role of nuclear weapons in deterring non-nuclear attacks. 
  • directs DOD to examine and reduce the role of launch under attack in contingency planning, recognizing that the potential for a surprise, disarming nuclear attack is exceedingly remote.  While the United States will retain a launch under attack capability, DOD will focus planning on the more likely 21st century contingencies. 
  • codifies an alternative approach to hedging against technical or geopolitical risk, which will lead to more effective management of the nuclear weapons stockpile.  
  • reaffirms that as long as nuclear weapons exist, the United States will maintain a safe, secure and effective arsenal that guarantees the defense of the U.S. and our allies and partners. The President has supported significant investments to modernize the nuclear enterprise and maintain a safe, secure, and effective arsenal.  The administration will continue seeking congressional funding support for the enterprise. 
After a comprehensive review of our nuclear forces, the President has determined that we can ensure the security of the United States and our allies and partners and maintain a strong and credible strategic deterrent while safely pursuing up to a one-third reduction in deployed strategic nuclear weapons from the level established in the New START Treaty.  The U.S. intent is to seek negotiated cuts with Russia so that we can continue to move beyond Cold War nuclear postures.  
This analysis did not set out to address weapons forward deployed in Europe in support of NATO.  The role of nuclear weapons in NATO was examined as part of the last year’s Deterrence and Defense Posture Review, which affirmed Allies’ support for further U.S.-Russian nuclear reductions, and underscored that any changes in NATO’s nuclear posture must be an Alliance decision. 
As we continue to implement the NPR, we are focused on maintaining and improving strategic stability with both Russia and China.
In sum, this review was essential to advance the policies laid out in the NPR.  The resulting strategy will maintain strategic stability with Russia and China, strengthen regional deterrence, and reassure U.S. allies and partners, while laying the groundwork for negotiations with Russia on how we can mutually and verifiably reduce our strategic and nonstrategic nuclear stockpiles and live up to our commitments under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. 
The President has directed DOD to use the new guidance to begin the process of updating and aligning its directives and contingency plans in order for this policy to be implemented over the course of the next year.

President Obama Speaks to the People of Berlin from the Brandenburg Gate | whitehouse.gov

President Obama Speaks to the People of Berlin from the Brandenburg Gate | whitehouse.gov









Northern Ireland and Germany Trip 2013 | The White House

Northern Ireland and Germany Trip 2013 | The White House

The G-8 Summit in Lough Erne | whitehouse.gov

The G-8 Summit in Lough Erne | whitehouse.gov







Statement on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership | whitehouse.gov


The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release

Statement on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership

We, the Leaders of the United States and the European Union, and the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Italy and Spain meeting in the margin of the G-20 Summit reaffirm our commitment to comprehensive and ambitious negotiations, in a spirit of mutual benefit, leading to a high standard Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement.
We remain committed, as we were when we launched these negotiations in June 2013, to build upon the strong foundation of our six decades of economic partnership to promote stronger, sustainable and balanced growth, to support the creation of more jobs on both sides of the Atlantic and to increase our international competitiveness.
Underlining the strategic importance of this agreement, we see it as an opportunity to promote the principles and values that we, as citizens of open economies and societies, share and cherish, including transparency and joint approaches to global trade challenges.
We commend the work of the negotiators over the last 16 months, and direct them to make all possible progress over the coming year.

FACT SHEET: Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (T-TIP) | whitehouse.gov


The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release

FACT SHEET: Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (T-TIP)

Today President Obama, together with European Commission President Barroso and European Council President Van Rompuy, announced that the United States and the European Union (EU) will be launching negotiations on a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (T-TIP) agreement.  The first round of T-TIP negotiations will take place the week of July 8 in Washington, D.C., under the leadership of the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative. 
T-TIP will be an ambitious, comprehensive, and high-standard trade and investment agreement that offers significant benefits in terms of promoting U.S. international competitiveness, jobs, and growth.
T-TIP will aim to boost economic growth in the United States and the EU and add to the more than 13 million American and EU jobs already supported by transatlantic trade and investment. 
In particular, T-TIP will aim to:
  • Further open EU markets, increasing the $458 billion in goods and private services the United States exported in 2012 to the EU, our largest export market.
  • Strengthen rules-based investment to grow the world’s largest investment relationship.  The United States and the EU already maintain a total of nearly $3.7 trillion in investment in each other’s economies (as of 2011). 
  • Eliminate all tariffs on trade.
  • Tackle costly “behind the border” non-tariff barriers that impede the flow of goods, including agricultural goods.
  • Obtain improved market access on trade in services.
  • Significantly reduce the cost of differences in regulations and standards by promoting greater compatibility, transparency, and cooperation, while maintaining our high levels of health, safety, and environmental protection.
  • Develop rules, principles, and new modes of cooperation on issues of global concern, including intellectual property and market-based disciplines addressing state-owned enterprises and discriminatory localization barriers to trade.
  • Promote the global competitiveness of small- and medium-sized enterprises.

President Obama Makes a Statement on the Transatlantic Trade and Investm...

Bill Clinton: President Obama's Plan Passes The Arithmetic Test, It Pass...

Remarks by President Obama at the Brandenburg Gate -- Berlin, Germany | whitehouse.gov






The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release

Remarks by President Obama at the Brandenburg Gate -- Berlin, Germany

Pariser Platz, Brandenburg Gate
Berlin, Germany


3:29 P.M. CEST
PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Hello, Berlin!  (Applause.)  Thank you, Chancellor Merkel, for your leadership, your friendship, and the example of your life -- from a child of the East to the leader of a free and united Germany.
As I’ve said, Angela and I don’t exactly look like previous German and American leaders.  But the fact that we can stand here today, along the fault line where a city was divided, speaks to an eternal truth:  No wall can stand against the yearning of justice, the yearnings for freedom, the yearnings for peace that burns in the human heart.  (Applause.) 
Mayor Wowereit, distinguished guests, and especially the people of Berlin and of Germany -- thank you for this extraordinarily warm welcome.  In fact, it's so warm and I feel so good that I'm actually going to take off my jacket, and anybody else who wants to, feel free to.  (Applause.)  We can be a little more informal among friends.  (Applause.) 
As your Chancellor mentioned, five years ago I had the privilege to address this city as senator.  Today, I'm proud to return as President of the United States.  (Applause.)  And I bring with me the enduring friendship of the American people, as well as my wife, Michelle, and Malia and Sasha.  (Applause.)  You may notice that they're not here.  The last thing they want to do is to listen to another speech from me.  (Laughter.)  So they're out experiencing the beauty and the history of Berlin.  And this history speaks to us today.
Here, for thousands of years, the people of this land have journeyed from tribe to principality to nation-state; through Reformation and Enlightenment, renowned as a “land of poets and thinkers,” among them Immanuel Kant, who taught us that freedom is the “unoriginated birthright of man, and it belongs to him by force of his humanity.”
Here, for two centuries, this gate stood tall as the world around it convulsed -- through the rise and fall of empires; through revolutions and republics; art and music and science that reflected the height of human endeavor, but also war and carnage that exposed the depths of man’s cruelty to man.
It was here that Berliners carved out an island of democracy against the greatest of odds.  As has already been mentioned, they were supported by an airlift of hope, and we are so honored to be joined by Colonel Halvorsen, 92 years old -- the original “candy bomber.”  We could not be prouder of him.  (Applause.)  I hope I look that good, by the way, when I'm 92.  (Laughter.) 
During that time, a Marshall Plan seeded a miracle, and a North Atlantic Alliance protected our people.  And those in the neighborhoods and nations to the East drew strength from the knowledge that freedom was possible here, in Berlin -- that the waves of crackdowns and suppressions might therefore someday be overcome.
Today, 60 years after they rose up against oppression, we remember the East German heroes of June 17th.  When the wall finally came down, it was their dreams that were fulfilled.  Their strength and their passion, their enduring example remind us that for all the power of militaries, for all the authority of governments, it is citizens who choose whether to be defined by a wall, or whether to tear it down.  (Applause.)
And we’re now surrounded by the symbols of a Germany reborn.  A rebuilt Reichstag and its glistening glass dome.  An American embassy back at its historic home on Pariser Platz.  (Applause.)  And this square itself, once a desolate no man’s land, is now open to all.  So while I am not the first American President to come to this gate, I am proud to stand on its Eastern side to pay tribute to the past.  (Applause.)
For throughout all this history, the fate of this city came down to a simple question:  Will we live free or in chains?  Under governments that uphold our universal rights, or regimes that suppress them?  In open societies that respect the sanctity of the individual and our free will, or in closed societies that suffocate the soul?
As free peoples, we stated our convictions long ago. As Americans, we believe that “all men are created equal” with the right to life and liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.  And as Germans, you declared in your Basic Law that “the dignity of man is inviolable.”  (Applause.)  Around the world, nations have pledged themselves to a Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which recognizes the inherent dignity and rights of all members of our human family.
And this is what was at stake here in Berlin all those years.  And because courageous crowds climbed atop that wall, because corrupt dictatorships gave way to new democracies, because millions across this continent now breathe the fresh air of freedom, we can say, here in Berlin, here in Europe -- our values won.  Openness won.  Tolerance won.  And freedom won here in Berlin.  (Applause.)
And yet, more than two decades after that triumph, we must acknowledge that there can, at times, be a complacency among our Western democracies.  Today, people often come together in places like this to remember history -- not to make it.  After all, we face no concrete walls, no barbed wire.  There are no tanks poised across a border.  There are no visits to fallout shelters.  And so sometimes there can be a sense that the great challenges have somehow passed.  And that brings with it a temptation to turn inward -- to think of our own pursuits, and not the sweep of history; to believe that we’ve settled history’s accounts, that we can simply enjoy the fruits won by our forebears.
But I come here today, Berlin, to say complacency is not the character of great nations.  Today’s threats are not as stark as they were half a century ago, but the struggle for freedom and security and human dignity -- that struggle goes on.  And I’ve come here, to this city of hope, because the tests of our time demand the same fighting spirit that defined Berlin a half-century ago.
Chancellor Merkel mentioned that we mark the anniversary of President John F. Kennedy’s stirring defense of freedom, embodied in the people of this great city.  His pledge of solidarity -- “Ich bin ein Berliner” -- (applause) -- echoes through the ages.  But that’s not all that he said that day.  Less remembered is the challenge that he issued to the crowd before him:  “Let me ask you,” he said to those Berliners, “let me ask you to lift your eyes beyond the dangers of today” and “beyond the freedom of merely this city.”  Look, he said, “to the day of peace with justice, beyond yourselves and ourselves to all mankind.”
President Kennedy was taken from us less than six months after he spoke those words.  And like so many who died in those decades of division, he did not live to see Berlin united and free.  Instead, he lives forever as a young man in our memory.  But his words are timeless because they call upon us to care more about things than just our own self-comfort, about our own city, about our own country.  They demand that we embrace the common endeavor of all humanity.
And if we lift our eyes, as President Kennedy called us to do, then we’ll recognize that our work is not yet done.  For we are not only citizens of America or Germany -- we are also citizens of the world.  And our fates and fortunes are linked like never before.
We may no longer live in fear of global annihilation, but so long as nuclear weapons exist, we are not truly safe.  (Applause.)  We may strike blows against terrorist networks, but if we ignore the instability and intolerance that fuels extremism, our own freedom will eventually be endangered.  We may enjoy a standard of living that is the envy of the world, but so long as hundreds of millions endure the agony of an empty stomach or the anguish of unemployment, we’re not truly prosperous.  (Applause.)
I say all this here, in the heart of Europe, because our shared past shows that none of these challenges can be met unless we see ourselves as part of something bigger than our own experience.  Our alliance is the foundation of global security.  Our trade and our commerce is the engine of our global economy.  Our values call upon us to care about the lives of people we will never meet.  When Europe and America lead with our hopes instead of our fears, we do things that no other nations can do, no other nations will do.  So we have to lift up our eyes today and consider the day of peace with justice that our generation wants for this world. 
I'd suggest that peace with justice begins with the example we set here at home, for we know from our own histories that intolerance breeds injustice.  Whether it's based on race, or religion, gender or sexual orientation, we are stronger when all our people -- no matter who they are or what they look like -- are granted opportunity, and when our wives and our daughters have the same opportunities as our husbands and our sons.  (Applause.) 
When we respect the faiths practiced in our churches and synagogues, our mosques and our temples, we're more secure.  When we welcome the immigrant with his talents or her dreams, we are renewed.  (Applause.)  When we stand up for our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters and treat their love and their rights equally under the law, we defend our own liberty as well.  We are more free when all people can pursue their own happiness.  (Applause.)  And as long as walls exist in our hearts to separate us from those who don’t look like us, or think like us, or worship as we do, then we're going to have to work harder, together, to bring those walls of division down. 
Peace with justice means free enterprise that unleashes the talents and creativity that reside in each of us; in other models, direct economic growth from the top down or relies solely on the resources extracted from the earth.  But we believe that real prosperity comes from our most precious resource -- our people.  And that’s why we choose to invest in education, and science and research.  (Applause.) 
And now, as we emerge from recession, we must not avert our eyes from the insult of widening inequality, or the pain of youth who are unemployed.  We have to build new ladders of opportunity in our own societies that -- even as we pursue new trade and investment that fuels growth across the Atlantic. 
America will stand with Europe as you strengthen your union.  And we want to work with you to make sure that every person can enjoy the dignity that comes from work -- whether they live in Chicago or Cleveland or Belfast or Berlin, in Athens or Madrid, everybody deserves opportunity.  We have to have economies that are working for all people, not just those at the very top.  (Applause.)
Peace with justice means extending a hand to those who reach for freedom, wherever they live.  Different peoples and cultures will follow their own path, but we must reject the lie that those who live in distant places don’t yearn for freedom and self-determination just like we do; that they don’t somehow yearn for dignity and rule of law just like we do.  We cannot dictate the pace of change in places like the Arab world, but we must reject the excuse that we can do nothing to support it.  (Applause.) 
We cannot shrink from our role of advancing the values we believe in -- whether it's supporting Afghans as they take responsibility for their future, or working for an Israeli-Palestinian peace -- (applause) -- or engaging as we've done in Burma to help create space for brave people to emerge from decades of dictatorship.  In this century, these are the citizens who long to join the free world.  They are who you were.  They deserve our support, for they too, in their own way, are citizens of Berlin.  And we have to help them every day.  (Applause.) 
Peace with justice means pursuing the security of a world without nuclear weapons -- no matter how distant that dream may be.  And so, as President, I've strengthened our efforts to stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and reduced the number and role of America’s nuclear weapons.  Because of the New START Treaty, we’re on track to cut American and Russian deployed nuclear warheads to their lowest levels since the 1950s.  (Applause.)
But we have more work to do.  So today, I’m announcing additional steps forward.  After a comprehensive review, I’ve determined that we can ensure the security of America and our allies, and maintain a strong and credible strategic deterrent, while reducing our deployed strategic nuclear weapons by up to one-third.  And I intend to seek negotiated cuts with Russia to move beyond Cold War nuclear postures.  (Applause.)
At the same time, we’ll work with our NATO allies to seek bold reductions in U.S. and Russian tactical weapons in Europe.  And we can forge a new international framework for peaceful nuclear power, and reject the nuclear weaponization that North Korea and Iran may be seeking. 
America will host a summit in 2016 to continue our efforts to secure nuclear materials around the world, and we will work to build support in the United States to ratify the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and call on all nations to begin negotiations on a treaty that ends the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons.  These are steps we can take to create a world of peace with justice.  (Applause.) 
Peace with justice means refusing to condemn our children to a harsher, less hospitable planet.  The effort to slow climate change requires bold action.  And on this, Germany and Europe have led. 
In the United States, we have recently doubled our renewable energy from clean sources like wind and solar power.  We’re doubling fuel efficiency on our cars.  Our dangerous carbon emissions have come down.  But we know we have to do more -- and we will do more.  (Applause.)
With a global middle class consuming more energy every day, this must now be an effort of all nations, not just some.  For the grim alternative affects all nations -- more severe storms, more famine and floods, new waves of refugees, coastlines that vanish, oceans that rise.  This is the future we must avert.  This is the global threat of our time.  And for the sake of future generations, our generation must move toward a global compact to confront a changing climate before it is too late.  That is our job.  That is our task.  We have to get to work.  (Applause.)
Peace with justice means meeting our moral obligations.  And we have a moral obligation and a profound interest in helping lift the impoverished corners of the world.  By promoting growth so we spare a child born today a lifetime of extreme poverty.  By investing in agriculture, so we aren’t just sending food, but also teaching farmers to grow food.  By strengthening public health, so we’re not just sending medicine, but training doctors and nurses who will help end the outrage of children dying from preventable diseases.  Making sure that we do everything we can to realize the promise -- an achievable promise -- of the first AIDS-free generation.  That is something that is possible if we feel a sufficient sense of urgency.  (Applause.)  
Our efforts have to be about more than just charity.  They’re about new models of empowering people -- to build institutions; to abandon the rot of corruption; to create ties of trade, not just aid, both with the West and among the nations they’re seeking to rise and increase their capacity.  Because when they succeed, we will be more successful as well.  Our fates are linked, and we cannot ignore those who are yearning not only for freedom but also prosperity.
And finally, let’s remember that peace with justice depends on our ability to sustain both the security of our societies and the openness that defines them.  Threats to freedom don’t merely come from the outside.  They can emerge from within -- from our own fears, from the disengagement of our citizens. 
For over a decade, America has been at war.  Yet much has now changed over the five years since I last spoke here in Berlin.  The Iraq war is now over.  The Afghan war is coming to an end.  Osama bin Laden is no more.  Our efforts against al Qaeda are evolving.
And given these changes, last month, I spoke about America’s efforts against terrorism.  And I drew inspiration from one of our founding fathers, James Madison, who wrote, “No nation could preserve its freedom in the midst of continual warfare.”  James Madison is right -- which is why, even as we remain vigilant about the threat of terrorism, we must move beyond a mindset of perpetual war.  And in America, that means redoubling our efforts to close the prison at Guantanamo.  (Applause.)  It means tightly controlling our use of new technologies like drones.  It means balancing the pursuit of security with the protection of privacy. (Applause.)
And I'm confident that that balance can be struck.  I'm confident of that, and I'm confident that working with Germany, we can keep each other safe while at the same time maintaining those essential values for which we fought for. 
Our current programs are bound by the rule of law, and they're focused on threats to our security -- not the communications of ordinary persons.  They help confront real dangers, and they keep people safe here in the United States and here in Europe.  But we must accept the challenge that all of us in democratic governments face:  to listen to the voices who disagree with us; to have an open debate about how we use our powers and how we must constrain them; and to always remember that government exists to serve the power of the individual, and not the other way around.  That’s what makes us who we are, and that’s what makes us different from those on the other side of the wall.  (Applause.) 
That is how we'll stay true to our better history while reaching for the day of peace and justice that is to come.  These are the beliefs that guide us, the values that inspire us, the principles that bind us together as free peoples who still believe the words of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. -- that "injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere."  (Applause.) 
And we should ask, should anyone ask if our generation has the courage to meet these tests?  If anybody asks if President Kennedy's words ring true today, let them come to Berlin, for here they will find the people who emerged from the ruins of war to reap the blessings of peace; from the pain of division to the joy of reunification.  And here, they will recall how people trapped behind a wall braved bullets, and jumped barbed wire, and dashed across minefields, and dug through tunnels, and leapt from buildings, and swam across the Spree to claim their most basic right of freedom.  (Applause.) 
The wall belongs to history.  But we have history to make as well.  And the heroes that came before us now call to us to live up to those highest ideals -- to care for the young people who can't find a job in our own countries, and the girls who aren't allowed to go to school overseas; to be vigilant in safeguarding our own freedoms, but also to extend a hand to those who are reaching for freedom abroad.
This is the lesson of the ages.  This is the spirit of Berlin.  And the greatest tribute that we can pay to those who came before us is by carrying on their work to pursue peace and justice not only in our countries but for all mankind. 
Vielen Dank.  (Applause.)  God bless you.  God bless the peoples of Germany.  And God bless the United States of America.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.)


END
3:58 P.M. CEST